Food Avoidances
Quesnel, Michel, Yves-Marie Blanchard, and Claude Tassin. Nourriture et repas dans les milieux juifs et chrétiens de lan- tiquité: Mélanges offerts au Professeur Charles Perrot [Food and Meals in Jewish and Christian Circles in Antiquity: Collected Essays in Honor of Professor Charles Perrot]. Paris: Cerf, 1999.
Staffe, Baronne. Usages du monde [Manners in Polite Society]. Paris: G. Havard Fils, 1899.
Toffin, G. Pyangaon, communauté newar de la vallée de Kathman- dou: La vie matérielle [Pyangaon, a Newar Community in the Katmandu Valley: The Materials of Everyday Life]. Chapter 4. Paris: CNRS, 1977.
Visser, Margaret. The Rituals of Dinner: The Origins, Evolution, Eccentricities, and Meaning of Table Manners. New York: Grove Wiedenfield, 1991.
Margaret Visser
TABOOS. A food taboo is a prohibition against con- suming certain foods. The word taboo (also spelled tabu) is Polynesian and means sacred or forbidden; it has a quasi-magical or religious overtone. The term was introduced in the anthropological literature in the second half of the nineteenth century. In the field of food and nutrition, food taboos are not necessarily connected with magical-religious practices, and some nutritionists prefer to speak of food avoidance. In this article these terms are used interchangeably.
Food is a culturally specific concept. In general, any- thing can function as food if it is not immediately toxic. But what is edible in one culture may not be in another. The concept of food is determined by three factors: bi- ology, geography, and culture. Certain plants and ani- mals are not consumed because they are indigestible. Geography also plays a role. For example, dairy products are not part of the food culture of the humid tropical re- gions since the geographical conditions for keeping cat- tle are unfavorable. Milk is often a taboo food in such cultures. Insects are not considered food in Europe and most of the United States despite attempts to introduce them in the late twentieth century. This is because there are few edible insects in regions with temperate climates. In Mexico, by contrast, insects are packaged in plastic sa- chets, cans, or jars for sale. Cultural reasons for food taboos often have a geographical basisunknown or ex- otic foods will be rejected as unfit for consumption.
It is of interest to note that food avoidance most fre- quently relates to animal meat, since in most cultures hu- man beings have an emotional relationship with animals they have to kill to eat. One of the few taboos of a food of vegetable origin is the prohibition against alcohol for Muslims and some Christian denominations.
Food may establish a cultural identity of an ethnic group, religion, or nation. Food taboos in a society func- tion also as a means to show differences between various groups and strengthen their cultural identity. Refraining
from eating pork is not only a question of religious iden- tity but is likewise an indication of whether or not one belongs to the Jewish or Muslim cultural community. In order to better understand the range of food taboos, it is useful to distinguish between permanent and temporary food taboos or food avoidances.
Permanent Food Taboos Foods that are permanent taboos or avoidances are al- ways prohibited for a specific group. The classic exam- ple of a permanent food taboo is the prohibition against pork by Jews and Muslims. The Jewish prohibition against pork is found in Leviticus 11:1. Some anthropol- ogists point out that food taboos are based on the failure of these foods to fit into the usual systems of classifica- tion. Foods that do not fit into these classifications are unsuitable for consumption, or unclean. According to the Quran (2, 168), Muslims should not only avoid pork, but also blood, non-ritually slaughtered animals, and cadav- ers and alcohol. In the case of both Jewish and Muslim food taboos, the foods themselves are considered unclean. A different concept of food avoidance is found in Hin- duism. Hindus abstain from eating beef because cows are considered sacred. Various arguments have been used to explain the origins of such food taboos or food avoidance including religion, culture, and hygiene.
Marvin Harris has rightly pointed out that when peo- ple reject certain foods, there must be a logical and eco- nomical reason for doing so. The pig is an animal of sedentary farmers and unfit for a pastoral way of life be- cause pigs cannot be herded over long distances without suffering a high rate of mortality. Herdsmen generally despise the lifestyle of sedentary farming communities.
In Western society cats and dogs are not consumed because of the emotional relationships developed with these pets. Increasingly pets are being humanized in such a way that eating them is seen as an act of anthro- pophagy or cannibalism. The feeling of closeness to cer- tain animals can also be found in the savannah regions of West Africa. Certain West African clans consider dogs clan animals, based on the fact that they have been ben- eficial to the clan in the past; as clan animals they are unfit for consumption. Hippocrates (460377 B.C.E.) re- garded dog meat favorably as a light meal, but in later antiquity, dogs were considered unclean and unfit to eat. This is still the case in the Mediterranean area and the Middle East. By contrast, dog meat is popular in China and the mountainous regions of the Philippines. From a nutritional point of view, dog meat is an excellent source of animal protein, and dogs do not require the grazing area demanded by cattle or other large ruminants.
Temporary Food Taboos or Avoidances Some foods are avoided for certain periods of time. These restrictions often apply to women and relate to the re- production cycle.
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The times of temporary food avoidances related to particular periods of the life cycle include:
Pregnancy
Birth
Lactation
Infancy
Initiation
Periods of illness or sickness
From a nutritional point of view, temporary food avoidances are of great importance as they concern vul- nerable groups: pregnant women, breast-feeding women, and infants and children during the period of weaning and growth. Food regulations and avoidances during these periods often deprive the individual of nutrition- ally valuable foods such as meat, fish, eggs, or vegetables. In a number of African countries pregnant women avoid green vegetables. They also do not consume fish. When asked why, women say the unborn child might develop a head shaped like that of a fish. Some of these avoidances may seem odd from a scientific point of view, but there is often an unnoticed logic behind it. In the first place, women are aware of the critical period and know that much has to be done to ensure the successful delivery of a healthy child. Observing the rules of avoidance will give her the strength of knowing that everything possible has been done for the benefit of the child.
In Central Africa nutritionists observed that young children did not eat eggs. They were worried that a nu- tritious food was not available for this vulnerable group. The village elders gave a convincing explanation of why eggs should be avoided by children. In the past the wise ancestors were much concerned about young children roaming around the villages searching for eggs and even chasing the brood hens away from their eggs. In order to avoid a depletion of the poultry stock, the elderly de- cided that eggs were harmful to young children and should be avoided.
A different form of temporary food avoidances in- volves the rules of fasting. In medieval Christianity the most important period of fasting was Lent (the period from Ash Wednesday to Holy Saturday), during which meat and animal products were forbidden. There were also other days (Ember Days, Fridays, etc.) on which peo- ple were required to abstain from eating meat. The Re- formation broke the tradition of fasting to a large extent. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has a wide and compli- cated system of dietary rules and fasting, as does the East- ern Orthodox Church. In the Muslim world, Ramadan, the ninth month of the Muslim year, means strict fasting, even from beverages, from sunrise to sunset (Sakr).
Do Food Taboos Change and Disappear? Food taboos may seem rather stable, but they are often under pressure because the society is changing. Migra- tion is a powerful factor in the process of changing food
culture. In Europe and North America, most Muslim mi- grants from the Middle East and South Asia try to main- tain their food habits, but some cannot fully resist the food culture of their new home country. A substantial number of Muslims begin drinking beer, wine, and even stronger spirits. Women tend to be less inclined to give up the avoidance of alcohol. The fear of pollution from pork often remains strong, however. In some European countries Muslims refrain from eating in factory canteens out of fear that meals may be polluted with pork fat or pork meat. In contrast, many Jewish Europeans and Americans eat pork from time to time, or even on a reg- ular basis.
Nutrition and health education have reduced the temporary food avoidances of the vulnerable groups in a great number of countries. In the humid tropical coun- tries of Africa and Asia, where the raising of dairy ani- mals is unfavorable, the rejection of milk as a food is diminishing. Despite the occurrence of lactose intoler- ance among the population, the use of milk and milk products has extended since colonial times. Primary lac- tose intolerance occurs from an apparent decrease in the intestinal enzyme lactase and can occur between the ages of two and five years. This condition is present in about 75 percent of the world population. However, small but significant quantities of milk consumed throughout the day can be tolerated among ethnic groups known to be lactose intolerant. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, milk products and a little fresh milk are avail- able for the upper and middle classes. This availability seems to have increased due to dairy exports from West- ern countries and dairy food aid during the 1950s through the 1970s. In a country without a dairy tradition such as Indonesia, the importation of canned sweetened con- densed milk can be traced back to around 1883. In the high lands of Java, the Dutch introduced dairy farming on a small scale in the nineteenth century. From the colonists, a modest use of milk spread gradually among the emerging Indonesian upper and middle classes.
In the United States and other countries with Anglo-Saxon traditions, horsemeat is not part of the food culture. This is in contrast to continental Europe, in par- ticular France, where horsemeat is a well-known and ap- preciated food. The history of horsemeat gives insight into how attitudes toward food avoidance change over the course of time. In Europe it started with a decree by Pope Gregory III (d. 714) that the Christian communi- ties of Germany and the Low Countries refrain from eat- ing horsemeat because the horse played an important role in pagan rituals. The purpose of the decree was that the Christian community should distinguish itself from the pagans by avoiding a typical pagan symbol, horsemeat. Gradually the consumption of horseflesh disappeared. The meat was considered to be unfit for consumption. In the nineteenth century the attitude toward horsemeat changed dramatically. Food emergencies connected with war and promotion of horsemeat as a food were the
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driving forces for change. During the Napoleonic Wars, hungry soldiers were forced to eat their horses. To their surprise, the meat was fit to eat and even had a reason- ably good taste. French pharmacists promoted the idea that horsemeat was suitable for consumption, and from a scientific point of view no threat at all to health. Dis- carded workhorses became a source of good and cheap meat for the growing working classes in urban France. The concept of horsemeat as food spread to other Eu- ropean countries, but not to the United Kingdom, where the horse remained a noble animal, and the idea of eat- ing horsemeat was viewed with disgust.
In periods of emergency, dietary rules including food avoidances can be temporarily ended. The West African Fulani pastoralists avoid the consumption of fish. During the dry season the herdsmen have to move with their cattle from the northern savannahs to the land along the Niger River in the south. Because of the seasonal food shortage, herdsmen are more or less forced to turn to eating fish. In rural areas with a dry and a rainy sea- son, people will collect in the period of seasonal food shortage the so-called hungry foods. Hungry foods are mainly wild foods, often not very attractive and tasty and as such normally avoided. They are consumed only in an emergency.
See also Africa; Anthropology and Food; Christianity; Fast- ing and Abstinence; Feasts, Festivals, and Fasts; Hip- pocrates; Hinduism; Islam; Judaism; Lent; Middle Ages, European; Ramadan; Religion and Food; Shrove Tuesday.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Brothwell, Don, and Patricia Brothwell. Food in Antiquity. Lon-
don: Thames and Hudson, 1969.
De Garine, Igor. The Socio-cultural Aspects of Nutrition. Ecology of Nutrition 1 (1972): 143163.
Den Hartog, Adel P. Acceptance of Milk Products in South- east Asia. The Case of Indonesia as a Traditional Non- dairying Region. In Asian Food. The Global and the Local, edited by Katarzyna Cwiertka and Boudewijn Walraven. Richmond, Va.: Curzon Press, 2002.
Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pol- lution and Taboos. London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1966.
Gade, Daniel W. Horsemeat as Human Food in France. Ecol- ogy of Food and Nutrition 5 (1976): 111.
Grivetti, Louis E., and R. M. Pangborn. Origin of Selected Old Testament Dietary Prohibitions. Journal of the Amer- ican Dietatic Association 65 (1974): 634638.
Harris, Marvin. Good to Eat. Riddles of Food and Culture. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985.
Kilara, A., and K. K. Iya. Food and Dietary Habits of the Hindu. Food Technology 46 (1992): 94104.
Sakr, A. H. Fasting in Islam. Journal of the American Dietetic Association 67 (1971): 1721.
Shack, William A. Anthropology and the Diet of Man. In Diet of Man, Needs and Wants, edited by John Yudkin. London: Applied Sciences Publishers, 1978.
Simoons, Frederick J. Eat Not This Flesh: Food Avoidances from Prehistory to Present. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1994.
Adel P. den Hartog
TAILLEVENT. Taillevent (c. 13151395), whose real name was Guillaume Tirel, was employed in the kitchens of the French court from the 1320s to until his death in 1395. The recipes from the manuscript cook- book with which his name is associated, Le Viandier, were copied and widely disseminated both during and long af- ter Taillevents lifetime and had an enormous influence on French cookery, as evidenced by the different versions to be found in various existing manuscripts. Toward the end of the fifteenth century, as the first cookbook to be printed in France, a greatly enlarged version of Le Viandier remained in circulation for over a century and had an enormous influence on French cookery. Because of the success of his cookbook, Taillevent can rightfully be called the first chef to achieve star status in France, where his name became synonymous with master chef.
Taillevents recipes, destined principally for festive occasions, give us a glimpse of the kind of cuisine prac- ticed in the aristocratic households from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century. Characterized by the use of a wide range of spicesin keeping with the dietetic prin- ciples of the time that demanded that the cold, wet hu- mors of meats, fish, and vegetables be tempered by the hot, dry virtues of spicesthey call for such familiar ingredients as veal, capon, or pike, as well as much more exotic foods like crane, swan, or sturgeon, prized for the beauty of their feathers (placed back over them to serve), or for their sheer size. Among the new recipes included in the printed Viandier at the end of the fifteenth cen- tury, the importance of pâtés and tarts in the French culi- nary landscape is documented for the first time.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Hyman, Philip, and Mary Hyman. Le Viandier de Taillevent.
In Les fastes du Gothique: Le siècle de Charles V. Paris: Edi- tions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1981.
Hyman, Philip. Les livres de cuisine et le commerce des re- cettes en France aux XVe et XVIe siècles. In Du Manu- scrit à la Table. Carole Lambert (ed.). Paris: Slatkine, 1992.
Laurioux, Bruno. Le règne de Taillevent. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997.
Mary Hyman Philip Hyman
TAKE-OUT FOOD. Take-out food is food pre- pared for consumption away from the location where it is purchased. As a term, its first appearance was in James Cains novel Mildred Pierce (1941), in which the main character expressed her desire to sell pies to the take-out
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